The Maria Hertogh riots or Nadrah riots, which started on 11 December 1950 in Singapore, consisted of outraged Muslims who resented the court decision to give custody of Maria Hertogh (or Bertha Hertogh), then 13, to her biological Dutch Catholic parents after she had been raised as a Muslim under the care of Aminah binte Mohamed, whom she regarded as her mother. The riots lasted till noon on 13 December, with 18 killed, 173 injured and many properties damaged—the worst incident of its kind ever witnessed in Singapore.

The main cause of the riot was the disputed custody of Maria that had received widespread press coverage. Many Muslims living in Malaya and Indonesia believed in the legitimacy of the adoption of Maria and a later short-lived marriage to Mansoor Adabi, two major points of contest in the court proceeding to determine the custody of Maria. They thus lent their support, financial and moral, to organizations that fought to keep Maria in Malaya. But some, such as the Malayan nationalists, seized the incident as an opportunity to further weaken the colonial government's position in the region. The insensitivity of the colonial government towards Muslim sentiments and the involvement of radical elements eventually culminated in the tragedy.

Beginning

Maria Hertogh was born on 24 March 1937 to a Dutch Catholic family living in Tjimahi, near Bandung, Java, then a part of the Dutch East Indies. Her father, Adrianus Petrus Hertogh, came to Java in the 1920s as a sergeant in the Royal Netherlands East Indies Army. He married Adeline Hunter, in the early 1930s. Maria was baptized in the Roman Catholic Church of Saint Ignatius at Tjimahi on April 10 by a Catholic priest.

When World War II broke out, Sergeant Hertogh was captured by the Imperial Japanese Army , where he was kept till 1945. Meanwhile, Adeline Hertogh stayed with her mother, Nor Louise, and her five children, among whom Maria was the third and youngest daughter. On 29 December 1942, Mrs. Hertogh gave birth to her sixth child, a boy. Three days later, Maria went to stay with Aminah binte Mohammad, a 42-year-old Javanese woman and a close friend of Nor Louise. This controversial transfer of custody, reversed in a Singaporean court eight years later, was the centre and opening episode of the tragic riots that were to come.

Different versions of testimonial.

Adeline Hertogh's version

According to Adeline Hertogh, in the version given in evidence before the court at the hearing in November 1950, she was persuaded by her mother after the birth of her sixth child to allow Maria to go and stay with Aminah in Bandung for three or four days. Consequently, Aminah arrived on 1 January 1943 to fetch Maria. When the child was not returned, Mrs. Hertogh borrowed a bicycle on 6 January and set out to retrieve her daughter. She claimed that she was arrested by a Japanese sentry on the outskirts of Bandung and was thereupon interned.

From her internment camp, she smuggled a letter to ask her mother to bring along her children, but maria wasn’t brought along. After her release, she could find neither Maria nor Aminah.

Aminah binte Mohamed's version

The above version was rejected by Aminah binte Mohamed in her sworn testimony to the High Court on several occasions. She claimed that Adeline Hertogh had given Maria to her for adoption in late 1942.

Aminah also contested the truth of Adeline Hertogh's internment by the Japanese. She testified that she and Mrs. Hertogh continued to visit each other frequently after the adoption until about the end of 1943 or the beginning of 1944." Thereafter the two never saw each other again till 1950.

Anyhow, Maria Hertogh received her circumcision in late 1943, whereupon she was given the name Nadra binte Ma'arof. For unknown reasons her new family moved to Jakarta for a period before moving back to Bandung again, where Aminah worked for the Japanese military police as an interpreter until the end of the war.

Then, in 1947, fearing harm upon the family during the Indonesian National Revolution as Maria was white child, Aminah moved via Singapore to her hometown in Kemaman, in the state of Terengganu, then Malaya. By then Maria was completely the same as any other Malay Muslim girl of her age.

To court

In 1945, with the end of World War II, Sergeant Hertogh was released and returned to Java, where he reunited with his wife. The couple tried various way to trace their daughter. Finally, in September 1949, Aminah and Maria were traced to the kampong they were living in.

Negotiations were opened to retrieve Maria in early 1950. The Dutch Consulate offered S$500 to make up for Aminah's expenses in bringing up the girl for eight years. Aminah rejected the offer and refused to give up her foster-daughter. Aminah's firm position could not be wavered and the Consulate eventually applied to the High Court on 22 April for Maria to be delivered into the custody of the Social Welfare Department pending further order.

The next day, an officer from the department served the order on Aminah and brought Maria away. After a routine medical examination at the Middle Road Hospital, she was admitted to the Girls Homecraft Centre at York Hill. From this point onwards, Maria had made it clear that she wanted to stay with Aminah and did not wish to be returned to her natural parents. However, the High Court ruled on 17 May after a short hearing of about 15 minutes that the custody of Maria be entitled to the Hertoghs.

As Aminah and Maria exited the court via the backdoor, a car from the Consulate was waiting to take Maria away. Maria refused to enter the car and clung on to Aminah, both unwilling to leave each another. A large crowd quickly formed around the commotion. It was only after much persuasion that Aminah agreed to enter the car together with Maria and pay a visit to her lawyer, who explained that Maria had to be given up until an appeal was made. The duo then parted in tears, with Maria returned to York Hill for temporary safekeeping.

Controversial marriage

On 1 August 1950, merely four days after winning the appeal, the events took a dramatic and unexpected turn. Maria was married to 22-year-old Mansoor Adabi, a Malayan-born who was then a teacher-in-training at the Bukit Panjang Government School. The marriage could have been a manoeuvre by Aminah to prevent further attempts by the Hertoghs to get back their daughter, but the new couple never consummated their marriage. Maria, a willing bride nonetheless, became the central figure.

The first challenges on the appropriateness of the marriage actually came from the Muslim community. On 10 August, a Muslim leader wrote to The Straits Times pointing out that although the Islamic law permits the marriage of girls after puberty (which Maria had reached a year earlier), there were Muslim countries such as Egypt that legislated for a minimum marriage age of 16. He added, however, that it would not be in the interest of "the friendly understanding... between Christians and Muslims" to object to the marriage since it had already taken place.

To court, again

Meanwhile, the Hertoghs had not given up legal pursuit to retrieve their daughter. Only a day after the marriage, Aminah received the Hertoghs' representative lawyers from Kuala Lumpur. The lawyers delivered a letter demanding the return of Maria by 10 August, failing which legal action would be taken. Believing that the marriage settled the matter, Aminah and Mansoor both ignored the deadline. The Hertoghs did not. On 26 August, an originating summons was taken out, under the Guardianship of Infants Ordinance, by the Hertoghs as plaintiffs against Aminah, Maria and Mansoor, who were all made defendants.

The hearing did not begin till 20 November. For four months the matter hung in suspense. During this time, Maria rarely left her residence, Nevertheless, media coverage on the incident had grown to a global scale. Letters from Muslim organizations in Pakistan promising financial and other help arrived, some going so far as to declare any further move by the Dutch Government to separate the couple as "an open challenge to the Muslim world". Pledges of aid also came from Indonesia and as far as Saudi Arabia.

The hearing finally opened. The judge, Justice Brown, delivered the verdict two weeks later. Justice Brown had two issues on his hand, namely the legality of the marriage and the custody of Maria. The marriage was held invalid and the custody was given to Maria’s natural parent.

Stay at the convent

When policewomen came to take Maria away, she wept and clung to Aminah and Mansoor. Aminah fainted on the spot and mansoor advised Maria to concede for the time being and promised that he and others would carry on the legal fight. Thus Maria allowed herself to be brought away into a car. Outside, the police was trying to held back a crowd of several hundred.

The car delivered Maria to the Roman Catholic Convent of the Good Shepherd in Thomson Road.. According to an official of the Netherlands Consulate-General, such arrangement was because of "greater convenience" while the stay of execution pending appeal was in effect. But it proved to be the falsest step, the spark that lit the fuse of the subsequent riots. Sensational writing and pictures from the media also further spark off the unhappiness between the Muslims and the Christians.

On 9 December, an organization calling itself the Nadra Action Committee was formally constituted under the leadership of Karim Ghani, a Muslim political activist from Rangoon. This extreme organization solicited support among local Muslims by distributing free copies of its newspaper, the Dawn (not the Dawn, an English paper published in Pakistan). Karim Ghani had also made an open speech at the Sultan Mosque on 8 December in which he mentioned jihad as a final resort.

The appeal hearing opened on 11 December. Maria stayed at the convent and did not attend. Since early morning, crowds carrying banners and flags with star and crescent symbols began to gather around the Supreme Court. By noon, when the hearing eventually began, the restive crowd had grown to 2,000 to 3,000 in number. Unbelievably, the court threw out the appeal within five minutes this convinced the gathering that the colonial legal system was biased against Muslims. The riots erupted.

The 1959 Singapore legislative assembly general election was a general election held in Singapore on 30 May 1959 to choose the members of the Legislative Assembly of Singapore. The election was distinctive in being the first election in which all the seats were completely determined by the population as per the new Constitution of Singapore of 1959; in previous elections, some seats had always been chosen by Singapore's colonial authorities. As with other parliamentary elections, the entity with majority of won seats would go on to form the new government.

Candidates were nominated on 25 April 1959 and the actual polls were held on 30 May. The People's Action Party (PAP) eventually won the general election in a landslide , winning 43 out of 51 seats.

The 1959 general election marked the first time in history the PAP became the ruling party of Singapore. Presently it continues to be the ruling party of Singapore, and has never lost control of the Singaporean legislature since the 1959 elections. The 1959 election is strongly linked to Singapore's gain of self rule that followed soon after.

An election of firsts

The 1959 general election was also the first election to be held since full internal self-government was granted by the British Empire, which Singapore was part of at the time. Compulsory voting was also implemented for the first time.

Singapore was not fully independent, as the British still controlled external affairs such as the military and foreign relations. However, Singapore was now a recognised state and the entire Legislative Assembly for the first time was wholly determined by the local population. Previously under the Rendel Constitution, which was a 1955 reform of the Constitution of Singapore, the legislature and its leaders could not fully be determined by the population. The British government instead appointed 7 of the 33 total members, although the rest was by election with limited suffrage. This itself was an improvement from the pre-1955 Legislative Council of Singapore when only 6 out of over twenty members were elected.

Campaign issues and platforms

Discontent with the Labour Front

The ruling party at the time was the Labour Front, which had won the general election of 1955. David Saul Marshall, who headed the Labour Front in 1955 and was chosen as Chief Minister, had since resigned in 1956. By 1959, the Labour Front was in turmoil, although they had been very successful at campaigning in 1955. Much of the issues resounded around the topic of independence as well as political issues such as the communist insurgency led by the Malayan Communist Party (MCP) which had been causing the Malayan Emergency (1948-1960).

During the 1955 election, the PAP protested against the existence of appointed members as set forth by the Rendel Constitution, and become the main opposition party following the election, and the Singapore Progressive Party (SPP) which had been one of the most dominant parties in the 1948 election and the 1951 election had become increasingly displaced at this point. The desire for independence and self-government epitomised by the Malay term Merdeka, had started to become immediate. This was reflected when the cry of "We want Merdeka now!" was taken up by those demanding immediate independence. The SPP fell out of favour as it was perceived by much of the electorate by working for reform too slowly.

David Marshall was vocally anti-British and anti-colonialist, and the British found it difficult to come to an agreement or a compromise. Eventually after failing to reach any agreement about a definite plan for self-government he resigned in 1956, following a pledge that he would achieve self-government or resign. Lim Yew Hock, another Labour Front member, took his place. He pursued an aggressive anti-communist campaign and manage to convince the British to make a definite plan for self-government. The Constitution of Singapore was revised accordingly in 1958, replacing the Rendel Constitution with one that granted Singapore self-government and the ability for its own population to fully elect its Legislative Assembly.

However, Lim's tactics against the communists alienated a large part of the Singaporean Chinese electorate, the demographic targeted most during the anti-communist campaign. There were also allegations of civil rights violations as many activists were detained without trial with the justification of internal security and tear gas were used against demonstrating students from several Chinese schools, both anti-colonialist and anti-communist alike.

Results

The voter turnout for the election was 527,919 out of a total 586,098 voters, or 92.9% of the total eligible voters. This was a huge turnout, especially when compared to the 1955 general election in which only 158,075 of 300,199 voters turned out, or 52.7% of the total eligible voters. There were two historical attributions for this. One was the implementation of compulsory voting, the other the removal of suffrage restrictions that had previously limited voting rights to those born in Singapore, or those who had lived there for a certain amount of time.

Over 51 seats were available for contesting during the election, which was almost a 50% increase from the total seats at the 1955 general election, and more than double of the seats if only elected seats are considered. In contrast to the elections that would follow in the future after the 1963 general election, there were no walkovers.

Legacy

PAP supporters rally after their victory at the polls.

With the successful conclusion of the election, all the members of the Parliament were now elected, and thus theoretically achieved full consent of the governed. The PAP as ruling party was able to form a new government of Singapore on 3 June 1959 that was fully elected which could now adopt domestic policy without oversight from the colonial administration. The United Kingdom still however controlled the military forces, foreign affairs and had a joint responsibility in internal security under agreement. However, the year of the conclusion of the elections and the formation of the new government — 1959 — is generally the date specified by historians for the achievement of self-government for Singapore, even though the Constitution had been amended in 1958.

Before taking over the governance of Singapore, Lee Kuan Yew secured the release of several PAP members, who were arrested under the Emergency Regulation in 1956 and 1957, including left-wing leader Lim Chin Siong. During the election campaign, Lee had advocated for their release as part of his election platform, and thus was able to mobilise the support of many trade union members.

After their release, Lim Chin Siong and his affiliates would later challenge Lee's leadership in the PAP, leading to the expulsion of most of the left-wing members from the PAP in 1961. The expelled members formed the Barisan Sosialis, and would contest the 1963 general elections against the PAP. Although having been crippled by Operation Coldstore, they put up a fight that to date, is the only election that threatened to remove the PAP from power while it was an existing ruling party. It however lost and went into a decline, affirming the PAP as ruling party.

Singaporean general election, 1963

The Singapore legislative assembly general election of 1963 was an election that took place in Singapore on 21 September 1963 following five days after the merger with Malaysia and therefore as an autonomous state of Malaysia. Based on results from a poll of Singapore citizens from their respective constituencies, the elections decided how to allocate the total of 51 seats for the Legislative Assembly of Singapore, the predecessor to the Parliament of Singapore, to nominated candidates.

The ruling People's Action Party kept its refreshed mandate as it won 37 out of the 51 seats, the Barisan Sosialis 13 and the United People's Party 1. The 1963 elections are also known for being the elections where the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), the ruling party of the Central Government in Malaysia tried to oust the People's Action Party by sending in the UMNO-backed Singapore Alliance Party to contest the elections, violating previous agreement not to do so and a highlight in the relations between UMNO and the PAP.

It was the only election ever to be held in Singapore while Singapore was still a state of Malaysia.

Election background

The elections were called out of necessity to reform the government and allocate the mandate to the winner in accordance with the constitution especially after the change in Singapore's sovereignty after the merger had been taken place. Earlier, on August 31, 1963 Singapore had been declared independent with the ruling People's Action Party (PAP) declared as trustees until the merger would be complete. On 3 September 1963 Lee Kuan Yew, General Secretary of the PAP, dissolved the Parliament in accordance to procedure and called for elections to be held on 21 September.

The 1963 state elections were the toughest and most critical the PAP ever faced in its history. Firstly, the PAP had already suffered two by-election defeats which reduced the number of their held seats in 1959 from 43 to 39. When the PAP expelled the pro-communist faction from within its ranks in 1961, this meant that 13 seat-holders had left the PAP and formed the Barisan Sosialis, reducing the number of seats the PAP held to 26 - holding a majority by just one seat. As with the 1962 Merger Referendum of Singapore, the Barisian Sosialis enagaged in a heated media campaign to sway voters, again with scathing attacks made by both sides. However, the Barisan Sosialis had already suffered a major blow as seven months before many of its members, including the secretary general Lim Chin Siong had been arrested and held without trial under Operation Coldstore.

Voter results

The voter turnout on polling day was large - 587,330 voters out of a possible of 617,650 voters, meaning a turnout of 95.1%. The PAP contested every seat except one, with the Barisan Sosialis also not following far behind. The PAP won the majority of the constituencies electorally - and an extensive amount of voters cast votes for it in every constituency, however, the Barisan Sosialis was again not falling far behind. They failed to win most of the seats however, and this was also hampered by a lack of concentration of their supporters in the constituencies - this was reflected by the fact that they had won 193,301 votes, or 33.2% of the votes by popular vote in comparison to winning roughly 25.4% of the seats.

However, the PAP suffered a large dent in their mandate by popular vote in comparison to that of the 1959 general election - where they had won over 54% of the vote before, they now only had 272,924 votes, about 46.9% of the vote, although they had won roughly 71% of the seats. The United People's Party won 48,785 votes, or 8.4% of the votes.

It was because of this heated elections that the PAP did not appreciate UMNO's actions of backing the Singapore Alliance Party's attempts to oust them, especially when they had agreed not to compete with each other's elections, of state and Federal governments respectively. This contributed to the decline in PAP-UMNO relations. Nevertheless, the PAP obtained a fresh mandate, and the new Parliament, again backing the PAP, was formed soon after

Done by : Nicholas Lau

The self-governance of Singapore was carried out in several stages. After the British joined Singapore once more and started, without much success, dealing with post war problems, Singapore already was not happy with the British as their leaders. Since Singapore's founding in 1819, Singapore had been under the colonial rule of the United Kingdom. The first local elections on a limited scale for several positions in the government of Singapore started in 1948 following an amendment to the Constitution of Singapore. This was further amended with the Rendel Constitution, strengthening local representation. Singapore was granted full internal self-government in 1959, but the colonial administration still controlled external relations and shared control of several key internal policies such as internal security.

In 1963, Singapore joined Malaysia, relieving it of colonial rule and becoming an autonomous state in the Federation of Malaysia. After a fallout in the relations between United Malays National Organization (UMNO) and the People's Action Party (PAP), the ruling parties of the Federation and Singapore respectively. Full independence came about with Singapore's expulsion from Malaysia in 1965.

Yearning for independence

Following the end of the Japanese Occupation of Singapore during World War II, the British returned to power in Singapore. On 1 April 1946, the Straits Settlements was dissolved and Singapore became a separate Crown Colony with a civil administration headed by a Governor. In July 1947, separate Executive and Legislative Councils were established and the first local election for six members of the Legislative Council was held in the 1948 Legislative Council elections.

The Singapore Progressive Party, a political party with a progressive platform of working with the British for gradual reform and self-governance, won half of the seats. This was technically a plurality, as independent candidates won the other three: the SPP became the ruling party of the local representation. The majority of seats were still appointed by the colonial administration.

The period after the war saw a political awakening amongst the local populace and the rise of anti-colonial and nationalist sentiments, epitomized by the slogan Merdeka.The British, on their part, were prepared to embark on a program of gradually increasing self-governance for Singapore and Malaya.

In 1953, a British Commission, headed by Sir George Rendel, proposed a limited form of self-government for Singapore. A new Legislative Assembly with twenty-five out of thirty-two seats chosen by popular election would replace the Legislative Council, from which a Chief Minister as head of government and Council of Ministers as a cabinet would be picked under a parliamentary system. The British would retain control over areas such as internal security and foreign affairs, as well as veto power over legislation.

The 1955 election for the Legislative Assembly held on 2 April 1955 was a lively and closely-fought affair, with several newly-formed political parties joining the fray. Unlike previous elections, voters were automatically registered, expanding the electorate to around 300,000. The SPP was soundly defeated in the election, winning only four seats. The newly-formed, left-leaning Labour Front was the biggest winner with ten seats and it formed a coalition government with the UMNO-MCA Alliance, which won three seats.Another new party, the leftist People's Action Party (PAP), won three seats.

Partial internal self-government (1955–1959)

The leader of the Labour Front, David Marshall, became the first Chief Minister of Singapore. He presided over a shaky government, receiving little cooperation from either the colonial government or the other local parties. In May 1955, the Hock Lee Bus Riots broke out, killing four people, and seriously discredited Marshall's government. The Chinese Middle School riots broke out in 1956 among students in schools such as The Chinese High School, further increasing the tension between the local government and the Chinese students and unionists who were perceived as having communist sympathies.

In April 1956, Marshall led a delegation to London to negotiate for complete self-rule in the Merdeka Talks, but the talks fell through due to British concerns about communist influence and unrest and labour strikes from workers and from trade unions which were undermining Singapore's economic stability. Marshall continued to pressure the British, before declaring that if the British did not give Singapore self-rule, he would resign. However, the British were unrelenting and wanted to retain important control over Singapore's internal security. Marshall resigned following the failure of the talk. His successor as Chief Minister, Lim Yew Hock, launched a crackdown on communist and leftist groups, imprisoning many trade union leaders and several pro-communist members of the PAP under the Internal Security Act.

The British government approved of Lim's tough stance against communist agitators, and when a new round of talks was held beginning in March 1957, they were amenable to granting almost complete self-government, only retaining control over external security, and allowing internal security to be an area of shared responsibility between the local government and them. A State of Singapore would be created, with its own citizenship, consisting of persons born in Singapore or the Federation of Malaya, British citizens of two years' residence, and others of ten years' residence. The Legislative Assembly would be expanded to fifty-one members, entirely chosen by popular election, and the Prime Minister and cabinet would control all aspects of government except defence and foreign affairs. The British-appointed Governor was replaced by a Yang di-Pertuan Negara or head of state.

Full internal self-government (1959-1963)

Elections for the new Legislative Assembly were held in May 1959. This time round, the PAP swept the election, winning forty-three of the fifty-one seats. They had accomplished this by courting the Chinese-speaking majority, particularly those in the labour unions and radical student organizations. The leader of the PAP, Lee Kuan Yew, became the first Prime Minister of Singapore.

The PAP's victory was viewed with dismay by foreign and local business leaders. Although Lee and the other leaders of the PAP hailed from the "moderate" wing of the party, many of the other members were staunchly pro-communist. Many businesses promptly shifted their headquarters from Singapore to Kuala Lumpur. Despite these ill omens, the PAP government embarked on a vigorous program to address Singapore's various economic and social problems. The plan for the economy was overseen by the capable Goh Keng Swee, the new Minister of Finance, whose strategy was to encourage foreign and local investment using a wide variety of measures, ranging from low tax rates and tax holidays to the establishment of a new industrial estate in the Jurong area. At the same time, the education system was revamped with the goal of suiting the workforce to the needs of employers; more technical and vocational schools were established, and the English language was promoted over the Chinese language as a language of instruction. The long-standing problem of labour unrest was suppressed by consolidating existing labour unions, sometimes forcibly, into a single umbrella organization, the National Trades Union Congress (NTUC), which was closely affiliated with the government.

HOCK LEE BUS RIOT 1955

The Hock Lee bus strike began peacefully on 23 April 1955 but escalated into a violent riot on 12 May in which four people were killed and 31 injured. During the strike, large numbers of dismissed bus workers locked themselves in the Hock Lee garages at Alexandra Road and picketed at the gates. On 10 May, the pickets rioted when they were forcibly removed by the police. On 12 May, they were joined by several lorry loads of Chinese school students and the violence that followed led to the death of two police officers, a journalist and a student. On 13 May, the government closed three Chinese schools for a week and ordered the expulsion of some of the ringleaders. On 14 May, the Hock Lee bus strike was settled by government arbitration on terms generally favourable to the strikers.

The relaxation of police powers was debated in the Legislative Assembly and approved on 27 April 1955. Together with greater freedom of action enjoyed by the trade unions, this provided the Communists their best opportunity of confrontation with the government since 1948. The Middle Road Group launched an immediate challenge through their control of the public transport system.

Two main issues

• A rival trade union was formed by the Chinese-owned Hock Lee Amalgamated Bus Company in response to the formation of the pro-communist Singapore Bus Workers Union (SBWU) in February 1955. Two hundred and fifty workers had already joined the SBWU when the bus company recruited another 200 men into a pool of spare drivers, with a retaining fee of $2 per day paid on condition that they joined this rival union.
• The introduction of new working rosters brought the dispute to a climax. On 23 April, the SBWU served strike notices on the Hock Lee Bus Company. In response, the management dismissed several workers who countered by locking themselves in the company's garages in Alexandra Road and picketed the gate. Strikers who prevented buses from leaving the garages were generally peaceful on 25 and 26 April.

27 April 1955 : 150 strikers blocking the gate grew more violent by throwing stones at the police and on 28 April, police had to use batons to clear the gate, resulting in 15 people being injured.

29 April 1955 : Thousands of Chinese middle school students converged to support the strikers with food and entertainment.

30 April 1955 : On the eve of May Day, sympathy strikes spread to other unions affiliated to the Middle Road Group. Dock workers stopped the transportation of freight and passengers, threatening the economic life-line of Singapore. The island-wide industrial action grew increasingly violent with the support of students from the Chinese high schools.

9 May 1955 : Negotiations between the bus company and the SBWU broke down and the police were ordered to take all necessary action to clear the picket-lines for the passage of buses. Fire hoses were used to disperse the strikers.

10 - 12 May 1955 : Rioting broke out. Twenty lorry loads of Chinese school students joined the rioting strikers and 17 more were intercepted by the police. These lorry loads of students were well-organised and converged at the bus company from schools all over Singapore. A mob of 2,000 rioters attacked police; the viciousness of the violence was attributed to the SBWU being communist-inspired while the owners of Hock Lee were perceived as supporters of the Kuomintang. A Chinese police officer was doused with petrol and burnt alive, while a Chinese student who was shot by the British police was paraded around for two and a half hours to whip up emotions. He died on the way to hospital.

13 May 1955 : By 3:00 am., the rioting had subsided although island-wide strike of bus workers continued.

14 May 1955 : A government arbitrator negotiated a settlement between the Hock Lee Bus Company and the SBWU in which the pre-strike rosters were restored. Normal bus services resumed on 16 May 1955.

Significance and Consequences

· The Middle Road Group seemed to have scored a victory as the government had directed the management of the bus company to meet the demands of the workers;

· David Marshall faced the problem of competition for the support of the Chinese-educated public who was satisfied that justice was restored. However, he was well-aware that the SBWU was communist-controlled and had used the dispute for political rather than industrial purposes;

· There was general public revulsion at the degree of violence and this lent support to strengthening the powers of the police in maintaining law and order. Immediate reversals to the relaxation of police powers, approved by the Legislative Assembly on 27 April 1955, were made;

· Lee Kuan Yew faced the dilemma of co-operating with the Communist Open Front, but at the same time, opposing violence in seeking to destroy the colonial system;

· Lim Chin Siong, during the Legislative Assembly debate on the riots, was not forthright in stating where his loyalty lay - either to Singapore or to communism.

23 April 1955.

Workers of the Hock Lee Amalgated Bus Co, who were members of the pro-communist Singapore Bus Workers’ Union (SBWU) went on strike.

They protested against the new work rosters and the formation of rival unions.

The rival union, with 200 spare workers, was formed by the bus company to avert any possibility of strikes by the SBWU.

The strikers attempted to stop the buses from leaving the depots. The entire transport system was paralysed.

Students from the Chinese middle school came in busloads, and joined the strikers in a show of support. They organised donation drives, brought food and money, and even entertained the workers with songs and dances.

A major riot broke out on Thursday, May 12, known as "Black Thursday", when police tried to break up an illegal picket line. The police used water cannon and tear gas to disperse the mob. The mob retaliated by stoning the policemen and buses.

Two police officers and an American press correspondent, Gene Symonds, were killed by the rioters. The police killed a student and 31 were injured.

The workers felt that the strike was a success, as they were reinstated without any loss in income.

DONE BY: YUNCONG (22)

CLASS: 4E3

On 13 May 1954, 500 students held a demonstration against the National Service Ordinance. 500 Chinese schoolboys and girls tried to march onto the Government House to lodge their protest. When they failed to disperse, the Riot Squad stepped in and the event turned violent. Twenty students and six police were injured. The police arrested 44 boys and one girl, all above 16 and they were released the following day on bail. Later, as the demonstration gained momentum, 1000 students locked themselves in at the Chung Cheng High School and the police forced them out the next day.

On 18 May 1954, the students pursued their protest demanding that students be exempted from National Service, which was then turned down. As more student demonstrations were expected in the weeks ahead, Directors and Principals of ten boys' and girls' high schools announced on 21 May that their schools would be closed for summer vacation two weeks earlier, which affected 15,000 Chinese students and sparked off defiance. On 22 May 1954, 2500 boys and girls locked themselves into the Chung Cheng High School and Parents of the students came down to the school at dawn on 23 May to fetch their children but were met with opposition from student leaders who tried to prevent the parents from entering the school. The police later persuaded the leaders to let the parents pass and the school grounds were cleared peacefully by 11 am.

Because of the vigorous resistance, the first big-scale attempt to recruit male youths for part-time national service died a natural death. The colonial government had also agreed to postpone National Service.

Therefore, the Chinese school riots that occurred in 1954 were due to the communist influence. Singapore's earliest attempt to introduce a compulsory conscription rule in 1952 was vigorously resisted by the Chinese Middle School students. On 13 May 1954, violence erupted when hundreds of students clashed with the police. As a result, 26 were injured and 45 students arrested. The National Service riots marked the beginning of intense communist subversion in the Chinese Middle Schools, which became a breeding ground of communist sympathizers in Singapore.

The communists present in Singapore added to the post-war problems. They were dissatisfied with what the British had done to improve the lives of the people. They aimed to gather the support of the local people against the British. In the beginning, the communists used peaceful means to stir up anti-British feelings in the people. When their plans proved ineffective, they resorted to violence. Before we go any further, let us understand first what communism is.

HOW COMMUNISM CAME ABOUT